Medieval Missions: The Carolingian Evangelist’s War Against the World

Josh Lyon - HT22: Medieval Church History - Dr. William VanDoodewaard - May 2024

Church growth slowed after the Patristic period. The decline of the Roman Empire brought conflict and instability to Western Europe, and the church needed to regain its footing in the fifth and sixth centuries. Despite the best efforts of pre-medieval missionaries, paganism remained alive and well beneath an externally Christian culture.[1] Gregory of Tours describes the state of Western European society leading up to the Carolingian period[2] more precisely:

With liberal culture on the wane, or rather perishing in the Gallic cities, there were many deeds being done both good and evil: the heathen were raging fiercely; kings were growing more cruel; the church, attacked by heretics, was defended by Catholics; while the Christian faith was in general devoutly cherished, among some it was growing cold; the churches also were enriched by the faithful or plundered by traitors.[3

This brief insight into Gallic affairs in the sixth century demonstrates an historically familiar scene: the kingdom of God has always been at war with the world. Unbelieving regimes and laymen act for their own benefit and against Christ’s own, and the true church invariably responds to the attacks upon her, upheld by her faithful Savior. At the same time, regardless of societal circumstances, Christians have always sought to obey the command of their Lord: to take His gospel to the ends of the earth. This disciple-making and darkness-expelling offensive is of no less importance in the Middle Ages. However, secular and Christian cultural norms shaped the Carolingian missionary’s otherwise sound approach to evangelism. As tensions between the two kingdoms continued into the seventh century and beyond, faithful evangelists would face many challenges as they set out to proclaim the gospel amongst the pagans throughout Europe. The spiritual values of the early medieval church; coercive tactics of the Holy Roman Empire; communal nature of pagan society; and prospect of temporal gains all cast a shadow upon the light of the gospel going forth.

The message the Carolingians missionaries carried was simple: they sought to point out the folly of idolatry and present the Christian doctrines of the Trinity, creation, and salvation through Christ.[4] An example of such a sermon is recorded by Alcuin (c. 735 – 804) in his biography on the life of St. Willibrord (658 – 739), who addresses King Radbod of Frisia:

The holy man was then summoned before the king and severely upbraided for having violated the king’s sanctuary and offered insult to his god. With unruffled calmness the preacher of the Gospel replied: ‘The object of your worship, O King, is not a god but a devil, and he holds you ensnared in rank falsehood in order that he may deliver your soul to eternal fire. For there is no God but one, who created heaven and earth, the seas and all that is in them; and those who worship Him in true faith will possess eternal life. As His servant I call upon you this day to renounce the empty and inveterate errors to which your forebears have given their assent and to believe in the one almighty God, our Lord Jesus Christ. Be baptized in the fountain of life and wash away all your sins, so that, forsaking all wickedness and unrighteousness, you may henceforth live as a new man in temperance, justice and holiness. If you do this you will enjoy everlasting glory with God and His saints; but if you spurn me, who set before you the way of life, be assured that with the devil whom you obey you will suffer unending punishment and the flames of hell.’ At this the king was astonished and replied: ‘It is clear to me that my threats leave you unmoved and that your words are as uncompromising as your deeds.’ But although he would not believe the preaching of the truth, he sent back Willibrord with all honour to Pippin, King of the Franks.[5]

Willibrord’s contemporary, Boniface (675 – 754), operated in a similar manner. In a letter to Boniface, Pope Gregory II charged him to “teach them the service of the kingdom of God by persuading them to accept the truth in the name of Christ, the Lord our God. You will instill into their minds the teaching of the Old and New Testaments, doing this in a spirit of love and moderation, and with arguments suited to their understanding.”[6] This biblical, persuasive[7] approach proved effective for Boniface, who is touted as having baptized thousands, even as many as 100,000, pagans during his lifetime.[8] Emphasizing this point Willibald records Boniface traveling “the whole of Frisia, destroying pagan worship and turning away the people from their heathen errors by his preaching of the Gospel. The heathen temples and gods were overthrown and churches were built in their stead. Many thousands of men, women and children were baptized by him.”[9] Again, the message and method are clear: idols are torn down and the gospel is proclaimed. To complete the process these men even endeavored to build churches for the new converts.[10]

Bold and devoted as men like Willibrord and Boniface were, they were also products of the spirituality of their time. According to Page, “the tendency to mysticism combined with the woful ignorance and superstition which characterized the people of the day, [accounted] in a large measure for their inveterate love of the miraculous.”[11] This chronic love of the miraculous often took precedence over the pure preaching of the Word of God.[12] In fact, both Willibald and Alcuin attribute Elisha-like miracles to their subjects even after death.[13]

Along with the miraculous Carolingian missionaries highly valued martyrdom. Dying for the cause of Christ was an honorable end, even prized by Christians in this period. For example, Willibald speaks of Boniface and his companions deserving the “crown of martyrdom” for their faithful missionary efforts.[14] With death around the corner, Boniface himself is recorded exhorting his brothers to lay down their desire to fight back against oncoming attackers and embrace death with steadfastness, resting in the surety of Christ; he and his companions did indeed receive their crowns.[15] Belief in the miraculous and the glory of martyrdom were pervasive throughout the Carolingian era; however, while some men focused on persuading the pagans via reason, they only represented a small minority of missionaries.[16]

Many evangelists operated under Charlemagne (748 – 814). Charles was crowned Holy Roman Emperor in A.D. 800, and drastically changed the missionary landscape during his reign. Under the banner of Christianity, the new emperor “undertook a campaign against the Saxons in order to ‘win them for Christ’ by force of arms if need be and through the destruction of their gods.”[17] Throughout this unprecedented military effort Charlemagne and his Holy Roman forces did not rest until the opposing pagans submitted in defeat, often signified by Christian baptism.[18] Consequently coercion became the new means by which idols were torn down and pagans were prepared to hear the gospel message. As kings and local rulers fell before the Franks, helpless local subjects often followed suit by default.

It is important to note, however, that baptism was often only the first step in the evangelistic process during Charlemagne’s rule.[19] Sullivan argues some men like Alcuin followed Augustine’s footsteps in desiring potential converts to be taught the ways of Christian faith prior to baptism,[20] yet “to these authors and many others of the age missionary work in the proper sense began after the pagans had been made to see the necessity of changing their old religion by someone other than the missionary.”[21] Thus the evangelist began the battle for the soul after the war, as it were. Once the pagans were formally subdued, the teacher would explain the Christian faith and prepare the conquered peoples for baptism. During Alcuin’s time this basic instruction remained consistent with the common missionary message, for it likely included an explanation of the God of Scripture, mankind’s sin, judgment for sin, redemption in the Son of God, and the reward of eternal life for those who turn from evil.[22]

However, despite Alcuin’s seemingly genuine intentions and biblical message, overlooking the effects of military intervention proves difficult, if not impossible. Even the strongest wills would face severe pressure to conform under such a strong demonstration of force. The human resolve would surely weaken after witnessing kinsmen slaughtered at the hands of those whose allies would soon present the gospel message, thereby opening the door for false conversion birthed in hope of holding off future oppression. This in no way discredits the power of the Holy Spirit in regeneration, but does present a problem for the evangelist, even one with right intentions.

Earlier Carolingian missionaries like Willibrord and Boniface were relatively unscathed by these compulsory aspects of Charlemagne’s conquests.[23] They were not, however, immune to the corporate culture of pagan tribes. Even in contemporary western culture, where the individual reigns supreme, human beings still succumb to social pressures and often conform to the majority position that shows little leniency for dissent. To better define this tendency modern psychologists have laid claim on the concept of groupthink; yet there is nothing new under the sun. The eighth and ninth centuries were a time in which society as a whole steered the actions and conscience of the individual. While the 21st century mind may be forced to suppress its own beliefs and convictions in a polarizing group setting, individual thought in general was scarce during the medieval age. James Addison notes religion in particular was “not an affair of individual conviction, but of corporate loyalty,” and existed for the good of the whole society.[24]

The communal societal structure explains in part why missionaries like Willibrord often interacted with local rulers directly on their journeys.[25] Because no one acted independently, as mentioned above, tribes and groups of pagans were often converted on a large scale if their leader turned to Christianity. Volz also points out this corporate phenomenon serves as the reason why “Christian missionaries almost always addressed crowds rather than individuals.”[26] While these mass conversions may have benefitted the whole society, they did not engage individual ethics, and by no means guaranteed genuine Holy Spirit-wrought conversion at the personal level.[27] Conversely, if the king’s heart was hardened to the message proclaimed, little, if any, fruit was born from the evangelist’s efforts.[28] This collective mentality remained largely present at the turn of the ninth century, and continued to play a role in evangelistic methods in the decades to come.

Eighth and ninth century missionaries also fell victim to promoting materialism. Sullivan notes sermons during this time period emphasized “the material benefits that pagans would gain by accepting the Christian God, suggesting that Carolingian writers thought that pagans might most easily be moved by an argument that convinced them that a new religion would provide them a happier earthly existence.”[29] In his letter referenced above, Bishop Daniel instructs Boniface to use earthly success and wellbeing as a metric for the potency of the pagan gods, telling him “the heathens are frequently to be reminded of the supremacy of the Christian world.”[30] Chrisitan civil rulers were no different, for kings like Pepin and Charlemagne often incentivized pagans to convert to Christianity with tangible rewards.[31]

Materialism was not unique to the Frankish kingdom. Farther north, and a few decades later, Anskar (801 – 865) spent years laboring for Christ beyond the borders of Charlemagne’s dominion. The Holy Roman Empire was vast and powerful, but Charlemagne’s Christian conquests did not extend to the Danish or Scandinavian peninsulas.[32] For this reason Anskar left his monastic life at Corbie to take the gospel to the unreached peoples in northern Europe. Like his predecessors in Frisia, Anskar was renowned for his personal piety and godly lifestyle. His biographer summarizes the model life of the missionary as such: “if anyone should desire to imitate his example he will enjoy, while upon earth, the society of heaven; if any shall recall his teaching, he will be able to walk without failing in the way of God's commandments; if any shall listen to his exhortations, he will take pains to guard against the snares of the enemy.”[33] This description is inspiring, yet Anskar too was a product of his culture.

Although Charlemagne’s tactics seem absent from Anskar’s efforts, the miraculous, martyrdom, and materialism were prominent in Anskar’s and his students’ mission work. From his earliest days Anskar is credited with supernatural blessing; Bishop Rimbert records Anskar receiving spiritual revelation from heaven during infancy.[34] The miraculous was not associated with Anskar alone, however, for one of his pupils, Herigar, is touted for his faithful proclamation of the gospel that was united with miraculous signs.[35] One such example Rimbert provides shows Herigar challenging the power of pagan gods with a demonstration remarkably similar to the fiery contest on Mt. Carmel in 1 Kings 18. In the account Herigar’s specific prayer for rain is answered, and he concludes the challenge by issuing a call to repentance to the confused pagans: “‘Ye see,’ said Herigar, ‘who is God. Do not, unhappy men, try to draw me away from His worship, but rather be confounded and, renouncing your errors, learn the way of truth.’”[36]

This brazen approach to apologetics may have been driven by a high view of laying down one’s life for the gospel. Rimbert recounts a time Anskar received a vision from God, which prompted him “to live more carefully, to cleave day by day to good deeds, and to hope that by the mercy of God, in whatever way He might choose, he might be able to obtain the crown of martyrdom.”[37] As discussed above, Anskar was not the first to hope to receive this self-sacrificial crown, but continues the admirable tradition of self-sacrifice.

Although these missionaries were willing to give up everything for the sake of their Lord, at times their teaching had ironic results. Once, after hearing Anskar preach, one of the leaders of the pagan tribe reasoned he and his people ought to turn to Christianity because of the temporal benefits Anskar’s God could give them.[38] While the details of the message are not recorded, the outcome is alarming. This familiar mentality designates Jehovah as the most favorable choice out of many gods, rather than exalting Him as the one true and only God. In these ways materialism, martyrdom, and the miraculous persisted into the ninth century and throughout the Carolingian period.

Despite the strong external influence of his time, Anskar grasped the need for His Savior. He claimed the greatest miracle in his life was that by God’s grace he would ever be a good man, and it was that humble spirit guided his supposed final words: “Lord, be merciful to me a sinner. Into thy hands I commend my spirit.”[39]

The piety and genuine desire to propagate the kingdom of God is evident in many missionary examples in the Carolingian period. Also apparent is the pervasiveness of secular and Christian cultural norms in eighth and ninth century evangelistic efforts. These specific cases are instructive for the modern reader, for the same war between the kingdoms of light and darkness rages in the third millennium. The world may look different in the 21st century, but societal values still slip into the gospel message.

Like Willibrord, Boniface, and Anskar, many evangelists today genuinely want to see unbelievers convert to Christianity. However, love of the supernatural; desire for mass conversions; and an emphasis on temporal comfort remain critical issues in the American evangelical church. Faith healers and miracle workers have capitalized on the natural human inclination to desire signs and wonders. Sadly, rather than trusting in Christ alone amid trials, or clinging to the eternal hope in Him as explained in Scriptures, many have turned to a message which only offers hope in this life, yet is unable to deliver on its promises.

Another large movement in the modern American church resembles, without the physical threat, the mass conversions in the days of Alcuin. Western culture is surely more individualistic than the medieval culture described above, but the large-scale approach is still fully intact today. Many people are offered a brief presentation of the gospel in hopes that casting a wide net will catch more fish, as it were, but little is done in the way of legitimate discipleship and biblical instruction. Combined with an approach centered on attracting people into the faith by external means like sensual music, exciting events, and coffee, it is surely plausible that people join such a church for the comfortable experience, and not to worship God having turned from their sins.

In comparing the contemporary and medieval church, the Carolingian period serves as an encouragement and a caution for the modern evangelist. The gospel of Jesus Christ stands the same for all time, yet cultural norms continually creep into the missionary message. Until the Lord returns, anyone desiring to serve Him must be on guard against the dangers of worldliness, and strive to proclaim the gospel as it is presented and preserved in the inerrant and abiding Word of God.

Bibliography

Addison, James T. The Medieval Missionary: A Study of the Conversion of Northern Europe, A.D. 500-1300. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2009.

Alcuin. “The Life of St. Willibrord.” In The Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in Germany: Being the Lives of SS. Willibrord, Boniface, Sturm, Leoba, and Lebuin, Together with the Hodoeporicon of St. Willibald and a Selection from the Correspondence of St. Boniface, edited and translated by Charles H. Talbot. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1954.
Accessed April 13, 2024. http://archive.org/details/anglosaxonmissio0000talb.

Boniface. “The Correspondence of St. Boniface.” In The Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in Germany: Being the Lives of SS. Willibrord, Boniface, Sturm, Leoba, and Lebuin, Together with the Hodoeporicon of St. Willibald and a Selection from the Correspondence of St. Boniface, edited and translated by Charles H. Talbot. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1954.
Accessed April 13, 2024. http://archive.org/details/anglosaxonmissio0000talb.

Gregory Bishop of Tours. History of the Franks. Translated by Ernest Brehaut. Records of Civilization: Sources and Studies. New York: Columbia University Press, 1916. Accessed April 20, 2024. http://archive.org/details/historyoffranksb0000breh.

Page, Rolph Barlow. The Letters of Alcuin. New York [The Forest press], 1909. Accessed April 17, 2024. http://archive.org/details/lettersofalcuin00pageuoft.

Robinson, Charles H. Anskar – The Apostle of the North, 801-865 – Translated from the Vita Anskarii by Bishop Rimbert, His Fellow Missionary and Successor. London: The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1921. Accessed April 2, 2024. https://archive.org/details/anskarapostle00robiuoft/page/5/mode/thumb.

Smith, Thomas. Mediaeval Missions. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1880.

Sullivan, Richard E. “Carolingian Missionary Theories.” The Catholic Historical Review 42, no. 3 (1956): 273–295. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25016076

Volz, Carl A. The Medieval Church: From the Dawn of the Middle Ages to the Eve of the Reformation. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1997.

Willibald. “The Life of St. Boniface.” In The Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in Germany: Being the Lives of SS. Willibrord, Boniface, Sturm, Leoba, and Lebuin, Together with the Hodoeporicon of St. Willibald and a Selection from the Correspondence of St. Boniface, edited and translated by Charles H. Talbot. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1954. Accessed April 13, 2024. http://archive.org/details/anglosaxonmissio0000talb.

[1] Carl A. Volz, The Medieval Church: From the Dawn of the Middle Ages to the Eve of the Reformation (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1997), 38.

[2] Richard E. Sullivan, “Carolingian Missionary Theories,” The Catholic Historical Review 42, no. 3 (1956): 273. Sullivan defines the Carolingian period as c. A.D. 687 – 900.

[3] Gregory Bishop of Tours, History of the Franks, trans. Ernest Brehaut, Records of Civilization: Sources and Studies (New York: Columbia University Press, 1916), 1. Accessed April 20, 2024. http://archive.org/details/historyoffranksb0000breh.

[4] James T. Addison, The Medieval Missionary: A Study of the Conversion of Northern Europe, A.D. 500-1300 (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2009), 141; Volz, The Medieval Church, 46.

[5] Alcuin, "The Life of St. Willibrord," In The Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in Germany: Being the Lives of SS. Willibrord, Boniface, Sturm, Leoba, and Lebuin, Together with the Hodoeporicon of St. Willibald and a Selection from the Correspondence of St. Boniface, ed. and trans. Charles H. Talbot (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1954), 10-11, Accessed April 13, 2024. http://archive.org/details/anglosaxonmissio0000talb.

[6] Boniface, "The Correspondence of St. Boniface," In The Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in Germany: Being the Lives of SS. Willibrord, Boniface, Sturm, Leoba, and Lebuin, Together with the Hodoeporicon of St. Willibald and a Selection from the Correspondence of St. Boniface, ed. and trans. Charles H. Talbot, (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1954), 68. http://archive.org/details/anglosaxonmissio0000talb.

[7] Boniface, "The Correspondence of St. Boniface," 76-77. Bishop Daniel of Winchester spends much of his letter to Boniface explaining the apologetic tactics Boniface ought to use in his evangelism. His approach is focused on persuading the pagans by way of reason.

[8] Thomas Smith, Mediaeval Missions (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1880), 114. Smith notes this figure is probably grossly exaggerated, but Boniface’s baptisms were prolific nonetheless.

[9] Willibald, "The Life of St. Boniface," In The Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in Germany: Being the Lives of SS. Willibrord, Boniface, Sturm, Leoba, and Lebuin, Together with the Hodoeporicon of St. Willibald and a Selection from the Correspondence of St. Boniface, ed. and trans. Charles H. Talbot, (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1954), 55. http://archive.org/details/anglosaxonmissio0000talb.

[10] Alcuin, "The Life of St. Willibrord," 9. Alcuin praises Willibrord for establishing churches in the cities to which he traveled.

[11] Rolph Barlow Page, The Letters of Alcuin (New York [The Forest press], 1909), 20. http://archive.org/details/lettersofalcuin00pageuoft.

[12] Alcuin, "The Life of St. Willibrord," 12. Ironically, Alcuin claims the “ministry of preaching the Gospel is to be preferred to the working of miracles and the showing of signs,” but proceeds to spend nearly half his biography on Willibrord telling of the wonders which occurred during the saint’s ministry (p. 12-21).

[13] Alcuin, "The Life of St. Willibrord," 19-21; Willibald, "The Life of St. Boniface," 59.

[14] Willibald, "The Life of St. Boniface," 55.

[15] Willibald, "The Life of St. Boniface," 56-57.

[16] Sullivan, “Carolingian Missionary Theories,” 276.

[17] Carl A. Volz, The Medieval Church: From the Dawn of the Middle Ages to the Eve of the Reformation (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1997), 42.

[18] Volz, The Medieval Church, 43.

[19] Sullivan, “Carolingian Missionary Theories,” 279.

[20] Ibid., 283.

[21] Ibid., 277.

[22] Ibid., 283-285.

[23] James T. Addison, The Medieval Missionary: A Study of the Conversion of Northern Europe, A.D. 500-1300 (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2009), 148.

[24] Addison, The Medieval Missionary, 21.

[25] Alcuin, "The Life of St. Willibrord," 9.

[26] Volz, The Medieval Church, 46.

[27] Volz, The Medieval Church, 46; Addison, The Medieval Missionary, 21.

[28] Alcuin, "The Life of St. Willibrord," 9. Throughout his ministry in Frisia, Willibrord faced opposition from King Radbod, who never converted to Christianity. After his discouraging results Willibrord moved on to evangelize in other regions. See the story above for more detail.

[29] Sullivan, “Carolingian Missionary Theories,” 275.

[30] Boniface, "The Correspondence of St. Boniface," 77.

[31] Volz, The Medieval Church, 47.

[32] Charles H. Robinson, Anskar - The Apostle of the North, 801-865 - Translated from the Vita Anskarii by Bishop Rimbert, His Fellow Missionary and Successor (London: The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1921), 8. https://archive.org/details/anskarapostle00robiuoft/page/5/mode/thumb.

[33] Ibid., 27.

[34] Ibid., 28.

[35] Ibid., 62.

[36] Ibid., 63-64.

[37] Ibid., 34.

[38] Ibid., 93-94.

[39] Smith, Mediaeval Missions, 138.